As the example of Israel’s Relations with Argentina’s Neo-Nazi Junta, 1976-1983, proves, Arms Sales and Military Alliances took Priority Over Saving Jews
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The mainstream Zionist narrative is that the Holocaust was ‘an unshakable justification’ for the establishment of a Jewish state. Yet as the case of Argentina under the military Junta proved, the only guarantee against a revival of anti-Semitism is opposition to fascism and racism. Zionism simply reproduces European anti-Semitism as anti-Palestinian racism.
If we follow the logic of Zionism, all victims of racism should flee their persecutors and set up their own racially based states. If this were adopted universally then it would mean the triumph of racism. The Zionist answer to racism is to replicate it not fight it.
It is one of the most powerful and enduring myths that Jews hold onto that if times get bad and anti-Semitism raises its ugly head, Israel, as a Jewish State, will provide them with a refuge. What happened in Argentina proves that Israel will provide no refuge from fascism.
The Commemoration Plaque to the Jews Murdered in the Kielce Pogrom
It was understandable, in the wake of the Holocaust, when Jews returning from the concentration camps to Poland were met with pogroms, at Kielce in Poland over 40 Jews died and a similar number injured, that the idea of a Jewish state proved attractive.
The Holocaust represented the defeat of the Left and Anti-fascism in Europe. The failure of the Communist Parties in Eastern Europe to confront anti-Semitism, in Poland and Czechoslovakia they actually stimulated it, led to Zionism being an attractive solution. However Zionism was yet one more false messiah.
Israel is a far-right settler state and it is natural that it seeks allies amongst similar regimes. During the years of Apartheid in South Africa it became the closest military partner of the Apartheid regime.
Prime Minister John Vorster had been interned for his openly pro-Nazi sympathies during the war but that did not prevent the Israeli Labor government of Yitzhak Rabin inviting him on a state visit. Nor did it prevent the Holocaust Propaganda Museum (Yad Vashem) inviting him in as an honoured guest.
Israeli Prime Minister Rabin and future PM Menachem Begin greet the Apartheid Prime Minister & former Nazi John Vorster in 1976
Little more than 3 months ago I wrote an article asking why Israel was supporting a law, proposed by the heirs to Hitler’s allies, the Ustaše, which prevented Jews in Bosnia standing for election.
The answer is simple. Israel has no interest in combatting anti-Semitism or defending the rights of Jews in the diaspora. Instead they redefine anti-Zionism as anti-Semitism. Where there have been anti-Semitic attacks such as the murder of four Jews in the Hypercacher Supermarket in Paris, the advice of Israeli leaders was to leave and go to your ‘natural’ home in Israel.
Avi Gabby – Leader of the Israeli Labor Party’s Advice to Victims of the Terror Bombing in Pittsburgh was to Emigrate to Israel and become racists like him
When 11 Jews were murdered at the Tree of Life synagogue in Pittsburgh, Avi Gabbay, leader of the Israeli Labor Party told the survivors to emigrate to Israel. The Jewish Forward accused him of having a ‘tin ear’.
Zionism has never had an interest in opposing anti-Semitism because without anti-Semitism there is no Zionism and no ‘Jewish’ State. As Theodor Herzl, the founder of Political Zionism observed in his Diary:
In Paris… I achieved a freer attitude towards anti-Semitism, which I now began to understand historically and to pardon. Above all, I recognise the
In 1976 the Argentinian army staged a coup. Nothing unusual about that, especially in Latin America. But this was a coup with a difference. It was not merely a right-wing coup but a coup by officers imbued with an anti-Semitic hatred who were convinced that a variation on the International Jewish Conspiracy, the Andinia Plan, was being waged against Argentina and they were its defenders. At the centre of this plan were Marx, Freud and Einstein!
The far-right had a long history of infiltration and involvement in the Argentinian military and in 1976 their time had come. Immediately they came to power anyone on the left was arrested and tortured. All told at least 30,000 Argentinians were murdered. It is estimated that up to 12.5% of their victims were Jewish despite Jews being less than 1% of the Argentinian population.
An article Jews targeted in Argentina’s dirty war referred to a
196-page report presented to the Spanish judge Baltazar Garzán in Madrid on the sufferings of Argentina’s more than 300,000 Jews during the dictatorship that lasted from 1976 to 1983 also reveals that at least two international Jewish organisations requested support from the governments of Brazil and the United States in case an evacuation of Argentine Jews proved necessary.
“Jews represented more than 12 per cent of the victims of the military regime while constituting under 1 per cent of Argentina’s population,” said Juan Pablo Jaroslavsky of the Barcelona-based Commission of Solidarity with Relatives of the Disappeared (Cosofam), which presented the report this month.
Anyone who has heard about the Zionist Campaign for Soviet Jewry in the 60s, 70s and 80s would be familiar with the massive publicity and the appeals to peoples’ heart strings about how Russian Jews were being denied the ‘right’ to emigrate to Israel. Of course this ‘right’ did not entail the right to go where they wanted. The Zionists leaders campaigned incessantly to persuade the United States to refuse them admission and for non-Zionist welfare bodies like the Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society and the Joint Distribution Committee not to aid them if they didn’t want to become settlers in Israel. [See Refugee Status for Soviet Jewish Immigrants to the United States, p.425]
Menachem Begin even made a special trip to the United States to lobby Ronald Reagan to refuse entry to Soviet Jews. No effort was spared in the Cold War Soviet Jewry Campaign. Allegations of ‘anti-Semitism’ were rife. Yet no one alleged that Soviet Jews were being tortured to death or murdered, which was the case in Argentina. Why then the Zionist silence when it came to Argentina?
The most famous victim of the Junta was Jacobo Timerman, the editor of the liberal paper La Opinion. As his NYT obituary recounts:
Early on April 15, 1977, 20 armed men broke into Timerman’s home… He was held in three clandestine houses of confinement and two regular prisons for more than a year, during which he was beaten, given electric shocks to his genitals, put in solitary confinement under humiliating circumstances and interrogated endlessly.
It was only Timerman’s high-profile which elicited a diplomatic response from Israel. According to Raanan Rein and Efraim Davidi,
“Israel’s official policy can be described as an effort to show the junta that it had committed a serious error in arresting the journalist but to avoid rousing international public opinion against the regime and, even more important, to avoid attributing antisemitic proclivities to the leaders of the dictatorship.”
The Israeli government secretly pressured Argentina to free Timerman, but it did not make public demands as it did on behalf of Jews in the Soviet Union.
When Timerman asked Israel Gur Arieh, the Director-General of the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs, why there was a massive public campaign over Soviet Jewry whilst in the case of Argentina there was no campaign, he answered:
Very simple: the Soviet Union was in the enemy camp and Argentina was a strategic ally.
Timerman ‘wondered if that was why Argentina could torture prisoners because they were Jews’.
Yishayahu Anug, director-general of Israel’s Foreign Ministry, wrote:
“I would say not that Timerman is crucial for us but rather that we are crucial for his release. It is not an emotional issue but one of cool judgment. The formula consists in creating the sense that his release is vital for Argentina’s image and also for Israel and the positive development of our relations with them.” Rein & Davidi, “Exile of the World” (2010), p. 12]
On at least one occasion the former Undersecretary of State for Human Rights in the Jimmy Carter administration, Patricia Derian, discussed arms sales to Argentina with the Israeli government and received a response that Israel does not discuss issues of security and that arms sales fall into that camp… Derian told them that the weapons in question were used to kill Jewish prisoners. 
As Ben Gurion had laid down, when there is a choice between the Jews and the Jewish State, the latter wins out.
Relations between Israel and Argentina flourished after the Junta took power despite the Junta’s virulent anti-Semitism. This was under both the Labor Alignment and Likud governments of Yitzhak Rabin and Menachem Begin.
Argentina had long been Israel’s largest trading partner in Latin America. When in 1978 the US decided to restrict arms sales to the Junta on human rights grounds, Israel stepped into the breach. One-third of Israel’s total arms sales of $1.2 billion in 1980 went to Argentina and El Salvador alone. By 1981, Argentina was buying 17% of its arms from Israel.
The perception was that ‘the Jewish state’s concern for the disappeared was subordinated to political and commercial considerations.’
Marcel Zohar of Yediot Aharanot reported that Israel preferred friendship with Argentina over saving Jews.
Israel’s Silence Over the Persecution of Argentinian Jewry – A Mirror Image of Zionist Behaviour During the Holocaust
Not content with refusing to campaign against the Junta’s anti-Semitism, in March 1981 the American Jewish Committee sent a delegation to General Viola, just before his inauguration as President, in an effort to improve the Junta’s reputation. Delegation members were impressed with his knowledge of Jewish affairs. Eichmann too was reputed to have a good knowledge of Hebrew and Yiddish.
Israel Shahak, a noted Israeli human rights activist and a holocaust survivor, wrote that
‘in the face of this well-known anti-Semitism in Argentina the State of Israel, the Jewish state, the defender of the Jews, made not a single protest…’ 
A report presented to Spanish judge Baltazar Garzán revealed that HIAS had secured a promise from Brazil to provide temporary asylum for 350,000 Argentine Jews and that Rabbi Alexander Schindler of the Union of American Hebrew Congregations had obtained a promise from US State Department officials in 1976 to provide 100,000 visas to Jewish refugees from Argentina if necessary.
The Knesset Refused to Even Debate the Plight of Argentina’s Jews
Shulamit Aloni, the founder of Ratz, Israel’s Civil Rights Party, described how she tried to get the situation in Argentina debated in the Knesset:
‘Not only did they shut me up, but the late Knesset member Yigal Horowitz threatened me personally and ordered me not to open my mouth.’
She was told that the subject could not be debated despite the fact that the parents of children who had disappeared came asking members to raise their plight. Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir made sure that ‘in the name of security’ the issue was not aired in the Knesset.
Menachem Savidor, the Speaker, refused to allow a debate until the parents appealed to the Supreme Court. Only in late June 1983 did the Knesset hold a debate. Six months later the Junta was toppled. Savidor admitted that he had prevented a Knesset debate on the situation of Argentina’s Jews at the Government’s request in order not to harm Israel’s military links with Argentina.
Members of the Knesset presented eight urgent motions regarding the issue between 1976 and 1981. None were approved for debate. Years later the Knesset debated the issue and formally demanded extradition of killers of Jews. It acted following reports that 40 former officers of the military Junta were arrested in Argentina on the orders of President Nestor Kirchner, who was prepared to extradite them to Spain. MK Yossi Sarid (Meretz) proposed the move, saying that it was a
“hypocritical discussion since all the facts have long been known and the government of Israel never once lifted a finger and cooperated with the Argentine murders because of their interest in arms deals.” 
Sarid told how ‘In Argentina, Israel sold even the Jews for the price of its immediate interests.’In 1985, President Raul Alfonsin cut off military contact with Israel entirely. What Israel did in Argentina was no different from what the Zionist movement did during the Holocaust.
While the Jewish factor has an effect on Israeli foreign policy, it is not a decisive one nor the main one taken into account in the policy calculations of the Israeli government. The heritage of David Ben-Gurion determined that ‘in our relations (with foreign countries) we should be guided by one criteria…and that is whether it is good for the Jews.’ 
The ‘Jewish factor’ refers to actual living Jews whereas ‘the Jews’ means Israel as the collective Jew. Ben-Gurion believed that
‘the state constitutes the highest goal of Zionism and the Jewish people…whose mere existence serves the needs of the Diaspora.’
On 2 April 1982 the Falklands war broke out between Britain and Argentina. Israel became Argentina’s major arms supplier. It supplied Argentina with emergency replacement military equipment. After its defeat, Argentina spent more than $1 billion on arms from Israel.
Like a Victorian grave robber, Israel called for the murdered Jews who were not wanted when they were alive to be brought to Israel for burial. Israel’s last service for the Junta occurred in 2017. It ignored an Interpol warrant and refused to extradite to Argentina an Israeli citizen, Teodoro Gauto, accused of war crimes. Gauto, a non-Jew, came to Israel from Argentina with his Jewish wife.
The person who brought the Junta’s anti-Semitic terror to the world’s attention was Jacobo Timerman, a liberal Zionist and editor of La Opinion. Arrested and tortured from April 1977 onwards, Timerman was released under house arrest a year later and expelled to Israel in October 1979.
At his ‘trial’ before a military tribunal, every session of Timerman’s interrogation began with the question, ‘Are you a Jew?’  Whilst interrogating non-Jews was a job, interrogating Jews was a pleasure. A political opponent could be turned, but a Jew remained a Jew forever. The Buenos Aires Herald told how Jews took it for granted that if ‘they go to prison, they will be treated far more harshly than Gentiles.’  Jewish prisoners were given ‘a double dose of torture and harassment’ which ‘was known to the Israeli embassy which maintained relations with “moderates” within the military junta.’ 
According to Timerman’s son, Héctor, Israeli Ambassador Ram Nirgad visited their house, after he had been released and asked Timerman to sign a letter saying that he was well-treated. Timerman refused and said he’d rather remain in detention.
Once in Israel, Timerman came under attack. The Jewish Chronicle’s correspondent in Argentina, Jose Smilg, an apologist for the Junta and Argentine’s Jewish leadership, alleged that it was Timerman’s fight for human rights which was ‘inspiring a rash of anti-Semitic articles in the Argentine press.’  He also alleged that La Opinion had ‘supported the Left wing of the Peronist Party’. It was a lie. Timerman’s real offence was that it had protested against acts of anti-Semitism. The Jewish community organisations stayed silent because, according to Nehemias Resnizky, the former President of Daia, Argentina’s Judenrat ‘that would create a confrontation with highly powerful sectors of the army.’
Ma’ariv withdrew from agreeing to publish Timerman’s book Prisoner Without a Name, Cell Without a Number because it was ‘not interesting’ and would not sell. It became an international best seller.
The ‘Jewish’ state was more important to the Zionist lobby in the US than Argentina’s Jews. Timerman was attacked by right-wing Zionists who believed he ‘asked for what he got’. US neo-cons argued that the Junta enjoyed good relations with Israel, which was ‘an important supplier of arms and military equipment to Argentina.’ This was cited as evidence that the Junta could not be called anti-Semitic. Once again Zionism and Israel was used to kosher anti-Semitism.
During a visit by former Israeli Deputy Prime Minister Yigal Allon, Timerman told him that he had not been humiliated by the torture but by the ‘silent complicity of Jewish leaders.’  This was equally true of Israeli leaders. Israel normally takes great pride when its citizens are given international awards. Not so when Timerman received the Golden Pen of Freedom Award. The venue was shifted from the Knesset to the Hebrew University.
In Israel Timerman wrote The Longest War, criticising Israel’s invasion of Lebanon. He became ‘almost persona non-grata’. Israel’s Deputy Foreign Minister, Yehuda Ben-Meir, described his book as ‘a collection of calumnies and lies arising from his own self-hatred.’  When Timerman died, on 11 November 1999 he received glowing obituaries internationally but Israeli papers ‘provided only terse reports of his death.’ 
The Jewish Disappeared
In 1988 Dr Marcus Weinstein set up the Asociación de Familiares de Desaparecidos Judios for Jews who had disappeared. Marcus’s son Mauricio was the only Israeli citizen to be murdered.
The relatives of the Jewish Disappeared wrote that they were
‘deeply disappointed by the fact that the Israeli state, the international Jewish organisations and the Jewish leadership in Argentina are taking no interest in this subject’.
Weinstein told how ‘Israel‘s indifference to the matter began back during the days of the dictatorship, and has continued to this day.’ 
Marcel Zohar, Yedioth Ahronoth correspondent in Argentina between 1978 and 1982, described how Israel’s government refrained from processing immigration applications from left-wing Jews. The unwritten instruction was to refuse any help to Jews defined as ‘too left-wing.’  And who did the defining? The Junta.
In 2002 the Israeli Government set up a committee to investigate the disappearance of Jews but it took care not to offend the Argentinian Government. Its interim report omitted Israel’s role during the dictatorship. It also rejected the demand to take legal action against the officers who tortured and killed Jews. Weinstein recalled how:
We and other Jewish families knocked again and again on the door of the embassy, and we were always sent away…. Was this a policy that was dictated from Israel, was it a policy that was decided upon at the embassy … I did not find even a single word about this in the report.
The anti-Semitism of the Junta set it apart from other repressive regimes that Israel co-operated with. The Israeli state had a choice between selling military equipment to the Junta or waging a campaign against the torture and murder of Argentina’s Jews. It chose the former.
Mothers of the Disappeared
Daia and Amia – The Judenrat of Argentinian Jewry
Renee Sofia Epelbaum, mother of three desaparecidos and one of the leaders of the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo, accused Daia of silence and extreme caution towards cases of arrests and disappearances of Jews. In sharp contrast, the paper Nueva Presenda expressed its support for the cause of the Mothers and the Jewish desaparecidos. Daia even tried to improve the image of the Junta abroad, ‘particularly in the USA’. Shockingly ‘prominent sections of the Jewish community’ even pressurised Israeli representatives ‘not to interfere in Argentina‘s internal affairs’.
The Mothers of the Disappeared at their regular spot in Buenos Aires
After the fall of the Junta, Amia held its 90th anniversary celebration:
A group of women whose children disappeared during the Argentine military regimes crackdown on Left-wing opponents shouted ‘Nazi-Nazi’ at those attending the Congress here of Amia …
The guest of honour was Mr Itzhak Navon, formerly President of Israel. The mothers attempted to prevent his entrance to the Conference as well as that of the Israeli Ambassador to Argentina. 
Zionism had not changed since the Nazi era. Geoffrey Paul, the then Editor of the Jewish Chronicle, described how a senior American diplomat denounced to him ‘this spineless Jewish community…’ But it wasn’t the community but its Zionist leadership that was spineless. What Argentina demonstrated was that an anti-Semitic regime will be a creature of US imperialism. In other words, a regime with which Israel is only too willing to do business with.
Zohar recounted the struggle between Danny Rekanati of the Jewish Agency, who tried to help Jews escape and Israel’s ambassador, Ram Nirgad who argued that people defined by the Junta as subversive should not be rescued.
Nirgad’s successor, Dov Schmorak, recalled how the Junta’s interior minister, General Albano Harguindeguy congratulated him on how well he had done ‘not to allow the main leaders of the Jewish community in Argentina to intervene on his [Timerman’s] behalf.’ Israeli representatives had discouraged his family from any public campaign on the grounds that this would hinder his release. This later extended to blackmailing Timerman not to go ahead with a series of six articles in Ma’ariv detailing his experiences.
Menachem Begin had previously stated that ‘Israel has to help every persecuted Jew…. They can associate with Matzpen in Israel for all I care.’ Yet once in power, Begin reneged on this. Above all Israel avoided attributing anti-Semitic proclivities to the Junta’s leaders.
The New York Times has always been a propagandist for the US State Department – the ‘defector’ was bribed to confess
When Timerman’s son Hector became Argentina’s Foreign Minister, Israel raised the 1994 bombing of the Amia centre and the alleged connection with Iran. Timerman told Israel’s ambassador:
Israel has no right to ask for explanations. …Israel does not speak for the Jewish people… Jews who live in Argentina are Argentinian citizens. The attack was against Argentina, and Israel’s desire to be involved in the matter only gives ammunition to anti-Semites who accuse Jews of dual loyalty. 
Bergoglio, the future Pope Francis enjoying a joke with President General Videla. He was reputed to be a strong supporter of the Junta
In May 2013 Videla died in prison having been convicted of the murder of 31 prisoners and the kidnapping of children:
‘To this day… local Jewish leaders are embarrassed by the role played by Jewish organizations or by their avoidance of action during the years of dictatorship.’
Daniel Muchnik told Ha’aretz how ‘Throughout this awful period of oppression, most Jews… had a problem. This was the relations of Israel with the dictatorship.’ The Israeli Embassy in Buenos Aires ‘kept a stance of non-intervention in internal affairs’.
The aftermath of the fascist bombing of the Jewish community centre that killed nearly 100 Jews. Israel preferred to exonerate the culprits and blame Iran/Hezbollah instead
The Bombing of Buenos Aires Jewish Community Centre
In 1980 when bombs exploded in Argentine synagogues and Jewish schools Israel said nothing but when a bomb exploded at the AMIA Jewish community centre in Buenos Aires on 18 July 1994, it lost no time in blaming Iran and Hezbollah. Evidence has since emerged that points to a deliberate attempt by the US and Israel to deflect attention away fromthereal culprits, Israel’s anti-Semitic friends in the Argentinian state.
In an August 1994 cable to the State Department, US Ambassador James Cheek boasted of a ‘steady campaign’ the embassy had waged that ‘kept the Iranians in the dock where they belong.’ In 2007 Cheek admitted that ‘To my knowledge, there was never any real evidence’ of Iranian involvement. Bill Brencick, chief of the political section in the US embassy from 1994 to 1997, acknowledged in a 2007 interview that suggestions of Iranian responsibility were based solely on a ‘wall of assumptions’ and that there was ‘no hard evidence’.
In 2014 a former police spy, Jose Alberto Perez, who had infiltrated the Jewish community in Buenos Aires on behalf of Argentina’s Federal Police, revealed to two investigative journalists, Miriam Lewin and Horacio Lutzk, that he had been ordered to turn over blueprints to the AMIA building to his Federal Police case officer.
Perez became consumed by guilt about having enabled the bombing. He had since married a Jewish woman. Perez was convinced that the building plans were used by the real culprits behind the bombing. His revelations prompted a series of articles in the Argentine press.
Perez also revealed that those who had employed him as a spy were motivated by the same anti-Semitic beliefs that had led the military dictatorship to single out Jews during the “dirty war”. His case officer, “Laura”, had ordered him to find out as much he could from the Jewish community about the “Andinia Plan.”
Another key factor was the role of the state intelligence agency, SIDE, in influencing prosecutor, Judge Juan Galeano. Not only was a special unit within SIDE tasked with overseeing Galeano’s investigation, another SIDE unit operated directly inside his office.
As Moreno and Termine reported in La Prensa (28.11.94.) the SIDE unit handling the AMIA investigation was notorious for its hatred of Jews. The group consisted of veterans of the dirty war known as the ’Cabildo’ group, inspired by the magazine of the same name.
There has been no resolution of this case because the Argentinian secret state still wields enormous power. Both Israel and the US preferred to divert attention from the real culprits, who were the same forces who had tortured and murdered Argentinian Jews
That Israel, even after the collapse of the Junta with which it was such close friends, could attempt to deflect blame away from Argentinian neo-Nazis onto Iran and Hezbollah, demonstrates that the ‘Jewish’ State’s military and foreign policy interests will always trump the needs of diaspora Jewish communities.
 Yechiam Weitz, Jewish Refugees and Zionist Policy during the Holocaust, p. 351.
 Rein & Davidi, “Exile of the World” (2010), pp. 9–11
 Raanan Rein & Efraim Davidi, Exile of the World: Israeli Perceptions of Jacobo Timerman, p. 6.
 Latin American Weekly Report 17 February 1984, cited by Bishara Bahbah, ‘Israel’s Military Relationship with Ecuador and Argentina,’ Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 15:2, 1986: 94.
 Aharon Kleiman, ‘A Double-Edged Sword’, p. 80. The Jerusalem Post, 27.1. 84., cited in Israeli Foreign Affairs, April 1985. Marcel Zohar, p. 31 .
 Stanley Heller, p. 76.
 Rein & Davidi, Exile of the World: Israeli Perceptions of Jacobo Timerman, pp. 6-7.
 Rein & Davidi, Exile of the World: Israeli Perceptions of Jacobo Timerman, p. 7.
 Marcel Zohar, Let My People Go To Hell, cited in ‘Israel Denied Shelter To Leftwing Argentine Jews During Junta Rule,’ Hadashot, 28.9.90. See letter from Tony Greenstein, The Guardian 19.2.02, ‘Argentina – Proof that Israel is no Refuge from Anti-Semitism,’ 29.11.09. https://tinyurl.com/br93g4t Tony Greenstein, ‘The Scandal of the Jewish Disappeared,’ Tribune, 6.4.00.
 ‘Yes, I Accuse,’ Ha’aretz, 31 August 1989, [Hebrew] cited in Yitzhak Mualem, Between a Jewish and an Israeli Foreign Policy, fn. 39; MK Yair Tzaban in Divrei Ha-Knesset, 29.6.83., pp. 2810-12 [Hebrew].
 Mualem, ‘Between a Jewish and an Israeli Foreign Policy,’ Jewish Political Studies Review16:1-2 (Spring 2004), citing Kleiman, A Double-Edged Sword, p. 170.
 Ibid., p. 112.
 Ibid., p. 66.
 Ibid., p. 136.
 JC 25.5.84., ‘A White Book’Leader.
 JC. 14.8.81 ‘Timerman Stirs Jewish Discord’.
 JC 31. 7. 81.
 Timerman, Prisoner Without a Name, Cell without a number, p. 78.
 Rein & Davidi, ‘Exile of the World’, p. 17.
 Ibid., pp. 3, 19-20.
 Ibid., p. 23.
 Marcel Zohar, Let My People Go to Hell – Blue and White Betrayal, p. 31 (Tel Aviv: Zitrin, 1990) [Hebrew].
 Mario Sznajder and Luis Roniger, p. 363, fn. 35. Mayer and Graetz didn’t have diplomatic immunity and endangered themselves and their families. When the Junta stepped down, Mayer received the highest Argentine decoration, the Order of General San Martin.
 Aaron Klieman, Israel’s Global Reach: Arms Sales As Diplomacy, p. 12, New York, 1985,.
 Mario Sznajder and Luis Roniger, p. 356, ‘From Argentina to Israel: Escape, Evacuation and Exile,’ Journal of Latin American Studies, Vol. 37:2 (May, 2005), Cambridge University Press.
 ‘Bitter Protest by Grieving Mothers’, The JC, 23 March 1984.
 Zohar, pp. 19-24
 Sznajder and Roniger, p. 356, citing, Aryeh Dayan, ‘Thanks to Menachem Begin,’ Kol Ha’ir, 9 Sept. 1987, p. 34 [In Hebrew]. Matzpen was a small, socialist anti-Zionist group in Israel.
 Rein & Davidi, “Exile of the World” (2010), pp. 9–11.